Revolt of the Almajiris: From Begging to Banditry, by Dele Sobowale

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 Revolt of the almajiris, by Dele Sobowale

“No revolution is the fault of the people but the fault of the government” – Johann Goethe, 1749-1832, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ.

A revolution is unfolding in Nigeria’s Northern states. The majority of the population, which has long been relegated to begging, is now demanding a share of the national wealth. Some are even willing to use force to secure it. The North is gradually sliding toward a situation where former beggars, known as almajiris, may dominate the political landscape.

Many Nigerian commentators, echoing European socialist ideas, had not expected the most underdeveloped region of the country to spark a revolution. They assumed that highly educated Nigerians would lead any uprising. In reality, the movement appears to be driven by those with nothing to lose—unemployed, homeless, and without hope. History shows that the most dangerous opponents are those who have no stake in the status quo.

Since 1914, and especially after independence in 1960, the privileged class has nurtured a large segment of the population that lives in poverty while the leaders enjoy wealth. “There are only two families in the world, my old grandmother used to say, the Haves and the Have-nots” – Miguel Cervantes, 1547-1616.

It is puzzling that leaders—presidents, governors, ministers, and party heads—have failed to recognize that the continued rise in unemployment and school dropouts will eventually reach a breaking point. Nigeria has one of the widest income disparities in the world, with less than one percent of the population owning more than seventy percent of the wealth. The North, particularly the North‑East and North‑West, suffers the most.

Religion has often been used to convince the majority of “have-nots” that their poverty is an act of Allah. The wealthy, even when their fortunes are built on public funds, have escaped punishment because of widespread docility. Many individuals have been submissive to the privileged class, who only offer small alms to those they have deprived. A governor caught on video accepting a bribe shows no remorse and even receives presidential endorsement because both belong to the same oppressive class. Class solidarity has often outweighed justice.

For over four decades, I have wondered when this injustice would erupt into full rebellion. I was convinced that the system of institutionalised serfdom could not continue indefinitely. The former beggars have abandoned their bowls for bullets and guns, forcing the Haves to pay. “Your money or your life” has become the new reality.

A recent report by the DAILY TRUST identified Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, and the Federal Capital Territory as the most dangerous places in Nigeria for kidnapping and murder. President Buhari resides in two of these areas.

“If there is government in place, then it should listen to people and address the security challenges. We have mass burials from time to time and there is no sign that government cares about what is happening” – Catholic Bishop of Yola, Rev. Stephen Mamza.

President Buhari’s response was unsatisfactory and revealed why the situation has deteriorated. When asked, he said, “but for Buhari’s efforts, Yola and other towns in Adamawa and the rest of the Northeast would still be under the control of Boko Haram.” This statement is misleading for two reasons: first, the entire North‑East or Yola has never been under full Boko Haram control; second, the same day the president’s spokesman made this claim, news broke that gunmen had killed 14 people in Katsina and Benue, with nine of the victims in Katsina State. Under former President Jonathan, no such killings had occurred in Katsina, and Kaduna had not become a murder hub.

While the bishop highlighted insecurity, Buhari and his spokesperson framed the issue as a political debate between the APC and PDP. The lack of insight at the highest levels of government explains why Buhari may be slow to grasp the significance of the random violence sweeping Nigeria.

Allow me to recount an incident that occurred four days before Easter last week. “The Devil finds work for idle hands.” I was in Suleja, a place once considered safe but now a “lion’s den” for travelers, especially those in well‑driven cars. I had rented an old jalopy instead of my usual Camry. At a petrol station, I saw a member of the National Assembly sitting in the back seat of a car that no mechanic would touch.

He was in tears and told me he was heading to Kaduna State but had to disguise himself to avoid kidnapping or murder. He had once paid a ransom to kidnappers and did not want to repeat the trauma. He ended with a chilling remark: “The kidnappers we dealt with were all graduates. They spoke good English. They said they were all unemployed and they too must live somehow. Dr Dele, God save the North. We are in deep trouble.”

He was not alone. Many people who once spent weekends in their homes in Kaduna State no longer do so unless absolutely necessary. Governors of Zamfara and Katsina recently declared that their states were under the control of bandits and kidnappers. The presidency has not disputed these claims. Under former President Jonathan, governors of Zamfara and Katsina never raised such concerns in Abuja. The fact that the president’s own state is besieged by gunmen should be embarrassing to the people at Aso Rock.

If the president’s administration had examined the crime reports presented daily by the press, they would have found a clear link between unemployment and serious crimes in both rural and urban areas. Even murders committed for ritual purposes often aim to acquire wealth from those whose legitimate livelihoods are insecure. The North produces more criminals than any other part of the country and is breeding them faster.

“The child is the father of the man” – William Wordsworth, 1770-1850.

In 2006, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, then Federal Minister of Education, reported six million children out of school. Any demographer could have warned President Obasanjo that the bandits and kidnappers of 2019 were already forming among those children. The five‑year‑old boys of 2006 are now eighteen‑year‑olds; the ten‑year‑olds are twenty‑three. While the youngest may be hesitant to commit violence, the eighteen‑plus, without constant parental guidance, are not. Millions of them now exist. The numbers will swell, and security forces will struggle to cope unless urgent action is taken.

•Follow me on Facebook @ J Israel Biola.

P.S.: This article was first published in 2017. Repeated now as a reminder.

Today, 20 million kids are out of school. The bandits of 2036-2040 are already here with us.

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